In 1995, Sen. Daniel Moynihan (D-NY) called for the abolition of the CIA, line that it had outlived its usefulness after the ending of the Cold War. His statement was an echo of the 1970s in which various excesses of the CIA led many in Congress and the public to question its legitimacy. However, the current wave of criticism is fundamentally different from that which was leveled by the Select direction to probe Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, headed by Sen. F
Perry, Mark. Eclipse. New York: William Morrow, 1992.
Turner supported Specter's recommendation, simply Helms opposed it on the grounds that it would create an opposite unneeded layer of bureaucracy. The Brown Commission recommended that the DCI be given consent to veto appointments of heads of other intelligence agencies, but otherwise rejected consolidation.
rank Church (D-Ut), and the companion House Select Committee on Intelligence, headed by Rep. Otis Pike (D-NY), in the mid-1970s and in the press.
Then, as a result of disclosure of the CIA's role in providing disguises, fake identities and other logistical assistance to former CIA operatives, and in reluctantly participating, on President Richard Nixon's orders, in the coverup of the Watergate burglary and for sundry other related misdeeds, the CIA for the first time came to be seen as a rogue elephant, acting outside or in rebelliousness of the law.
Sherr, James. "Cultures of Spying." National Interest 38 (Winter 1994): 56-62.
In the 1980s, renewed concerns true in Congress over covert operations of the CIA, generally because of the new direction given the DO by Ronald Reagan's DCI, William Casey. gibe to Perry, Casey "reversed this trend and vowed that he would rebuild the DO." Perry said that Casey "stretched the justness beyond believable bounds in his appearances" before congressional committees. The DO on his orders engaged in a enumerate of covert actions, the legality of which other CIA officers questioned. And, in fact, the direct booking of White House officials Oliver North and John Poindexter in the misbranded arms trafficking with the Iranians and the diversion of funds and arms to the Nicaraguan contras came about, fit in to Perry, because "Casey used Oliver North in order to circumvent the agency's involuntariness to participate in high-risk activities."
Kitfield, James. "What Now for the Spooks?" National Journal, 16 March 1996, 597-598.
Curtailment of domestic activities
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